How the Swiss militia system strengthens civic identity – and favours the privileged 

The firefighter in black belongs to the militia fire brigade. The firefighter in yellow belongs to the professional fire brigade. In addition to the army and politics, the militia principle also applies to the Swiss fire service. Keystone / Martial Trezzini

The militia principle is a particularity of Swiss democracy. It strengthens the connection between the governed and those who govern – but also creates a form of social discrimination between those who can afford to hold unpaid public office and those who cannot. 

In Switzerland, people have reportedly moved away from home because they were elected to public office against their willExternal link. Refusing to serve is punishable by a fine of up to CHF5,000 ($6,164). This obligation is the most extreme form of the country’s militia principle. 

Being elected to local office against one’s will is a peculiarity of the Swiss democratic system. And while it is rare, this possibility still exists in certain cantons.  

What is the Swiss militia system?

The term “militia system” is used only in Swiss democracy. It reflects the idea that citizens should assume public responsibilities: in fire brigades, as lay judges, on school boards, or in parliament.

The militia principle is considered “the gold standard of participation” in Switzerland, Markus Freitag, Pirmin Bundi and Martina Flick Witzig write in their book, Milizarbeit in der SchweizExternal link (Militia Work in Switzerland). Most public offices come with only minimal financial compensation, in stark contrast to the country’s generally high salaries. 

The underlying idea is that if citizens take on social and political responsibility of their own accord – while remaining active in their professions – they can make decisions more independently. They are financially independent from the public office they hold. The hope is that their outside perspective can also help to curb the growth of bureaucracy. 

At the same time, the militia system is designed to prevent the gap between the public and political spheres from becoming too wide. Citizens shouldering political responsibility themselves can foster a sense of closeness and belonging. Even the Swiss who do not hold public office can help to shape government policy thanks to initiatives and referendums. 

For all its advantages, the militia system often leads to a structural bias: those who take on positions of political responsibility are those who are financially well-off and have ample free time. As Wolf Linder and Sean Müller explain, “unpaid or only partially paid work leads to social discrimination that is often overlooked.” 

There are also differences in gender representation, which some attribute to the militia principle. In 2020, just 0.5% of women volunteered in political roles, compared with 1.7% of men. 

In a country rooted in the militia tradition, participating in local public office involves attending evening meetings, while women are disproportionately responsible for childcare. If local political work were compensated like regular employment, more people would be able to afford paid childcare. Or the work involved could be arranged to take place during normal office hours. 

The military roots of the militia system

The concept of a militia system comes from military history and traces its roots to ancient Rome and the city-state of Athens. The modern Swiss army is a militia rather than a professional force. Already in medieval Switzerland, the Italian political theorist Niccolò Machiavelli recognised that the Swiss had revived “the Roman principle of unity of citizen and soldier,” as legal scholar Andreas KleyExternal link puts it. 

But long before the Swiss federal state was founded, the militia principle had become a cornerstone of everyday life – from cooperative land management to the Landsgemeinde, the open-air assembly where citizens vote by a show of hands. 

Switzerland is characterised by cooperatives. Find out more about them here:

In the 21st century, the militia system is considered to be in crisis. Small municipalities in particular are struggling to find politicians. Freitag, Bundi and Flick Witzig describe it as “showing signs of fatigue,” especially at the local level. 

Distrust of full-time politicians

In smaller municipalities, all local politicians in leadership roles have a second job. At higher levels, the militia principle creates a challenging balancing act. Politics is not really considered a profession. At the city and cantonal levels, parliamentarians do not earn enough to make a living from their political mandate alone. Even at the federal level, most parliamentarians pursue other professions when the chambers are not in session.  

Voters are often sceptical if a senator or House representative does not have a job outside of politics. The Swiss parliament is not designed for full-time employment. According to a 2017 study, parliamentary work on its own corresponds to a median workload of 50%External link. Election campaigns and public engagements account for a median workload of 24% (Senate) and 36% (House of Representatives). 

In other words, even work at the top-level of parliament is not expected to require 42-hour work weeks, the standard for full-time employment in Switzerland. 

Accordingly, Swiss parliamentarians earn far less than their counterparts in neighbouring countries Germany, Austria, Italy and France – even though salaries in Switzerland are substantially higher overall.  

Even in countries such as Brazil and Colombia, where the average salary is significantly lower, politicians earn more than those in Switzerland. 

The wide range of politicians’ professions and secondary occupations leads to a complex web of vested interests. The non-governmental organisation Transparency InternationalExternal link describes Swiss parliamentarians as “top lobbyists”, pointing out how the line between parliamentary work and lobbying is often blurred in the chambers. 

How does the Swiss government make decisions? Find out more about it here:

Switzerland’s well-paid executive 

The seven members of the Federal Council who make up the Swiss government, on the other hand, each earn CHF477,668 ($589,255) yearly – more than the United States president or the German chancellor. They also receive an additional CHF12,000 in the year they take on the rotating Swiss presidency. 

In short, the militia system does not extend to the highest level of government. 

But the spirit of the militia lives on in their political careers. Finance Minister Karin Keller-Sutter, for example, began her political career as a municipal councillor in her hometown. She went on to serve in the cantonal parliament, the cantonal government, and the federal parliament. Today she is a member of the Federal Council, and in 2025 serves as Switzerland’s president. 

Here you can find out everything about the instruments of direct democracy in Switzerland:

Edited by Mark Livingston. Adapted from German by David Kelso Kaufher/gw